Oregon labor gears up for
high-stakes political battle
By DON
McINTOSH
Associate Editor
When 350 delegates
and guests came to Albany, Oregon, for the 48th annual convention of the Oregon
AFL-CIO, it was with a sense of urgency. Oregon and the nation are in the worst
economy since the Great Depression, by some measures. Jobs are hemorrhaging,
especially in the manufacturing sector. And making matters worse, the union
movement faces a uniquely hostile political climate in which the President of
the United States is waging war against workers interests on every front.
By the end of
the three-day convention, Oregons labor movement had picked its leadership
for the next four years, voted a substantial increase in funding for political
work, recommitted to organizing and united around a political platform that
included tax reform, opposition to new trade agreements, and a commitment to
found a new civil rights movement around right to organize.
Structural Shakeup
The AFL-CIO is the
premiere coordinating body of Americas labor movement, representing some
13 million workers in 64 affiliated unions. It was formed nationally in 1955 when
the skilled craftsworkers of the American Federation of Labor merged with the
industry-wide unions of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. Most U.S. unions
are affiliated with the AFL-CIO; the biggest exceptions are the 2.7 million member
National Education Association, and the 520,000-member United Brotherhood of Carpenters,
which withdrew from the AFL-CIO in 2001.
Alongside its
national structure, headquartered in Washington, D.C., the AFL-CIO has state
federations, like the Oregon AFL-CIO; local bodies known as central labor councils,
such as the Northwest Oregon Labor Council; and industry-specific councils,
such as building trades or metal trades councils.
Under an agreement
known as the New Alliance, local chapters of AFL-CIO-affiliated unions are required
to affiliate and pay dues to these state and local bodies. In turn, those bodies
are to be more accountable to affiliates and are expected to show results.
In Oregon, the
New Alliance has meant a surge in Oregon AFL-CIO membership to a record 147,000;
local unions representing 38,000 workers have joined the fold, paying dues of
61 cents per month per member, and sending delegates to the convention. Only
one major AFL-CIO union the Teamsters has yet to fully affiliate
in Oregon. The New Alliance also meant restructuring of the Oregon AFL-CIO leadership.
Why Labor is Targeting
Bush
The AFL-CIOs
biggest role is coordinating organized labors political efforts. The national
AFL-CIO spent about $42 million on politics in the 2000 election cycle alone,
and is expected to spend a greater amount in 2004.
Most of that
will be used in the campaign to oust President George W. Bush. Bush was the
target of repeated pounding throughout the Oregon AFL-CIO convention
not because hes a Republican or because hes a mean guy,
said former Oregon AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Bob Baugh, but because
his policies are destroying the future for Americas workers.
In the two-and-a-half
years Bush has been in office, speakers pointed out, an average of 100,000 jobs
a month have been lost; the United States has experienced the highest trade
deficit in its history; worker retirement security has been devastated by a
stock market crash and a wave of corporate bankruptcies; massive tax cuts for
the rich have sped up the growing polarization of wealth; a recession has put
state governments in their worst budget crisis in generations, putting police,
firefighters, and school teachers on the chopping block; and a record federal
government surplus became a record deficit that economists say is so ruinous
it could harm the private lending markets and affect the governments credit
rating.
The Bush
Administration has become a job-degrading, job-destroying cabal, declared
Oregon AFL-CIO President Tim Nesbitt.
Theres
no one who has been worse for working people than Bush, concurred national
AFL-CIO Executive Vice President Linda Chavez-Thompson. Bush and his Administration
absolutely hate the union movement.
In one of the
highlights of the convention, Chavez-Thompson gave her report of life in Bush-era
Washington as a representative of labor.
She said AFL-CIO
President John Sweeney called Bush after his inauguration in the hopes that
the union movement might have some working relationship with the new Administration;
it took the president two weeks to return Sweeneys phone call, Chavez-Thompson
said, and that was the last time the representative of Americas workers
ever got an audience with the president.
In February 2003,
Bush sent Labor Secretary Elaine Chao to the AFL-CIO Executive Council, with
the intent, seemingly, to freshen the antagonism. Chao brought with her dossiers
on the union leaders who would be present at the meeting, and when each in turn
rose to ask a question of her, she pulled out a page with their picture on it
and rattled off examples of wrongdoing in their unions.
These are
two small but significant pictures of what this Administration thinks of unions,
Chavez-Thompson said.
The real harm
to workers is in the Administrations policies. In two and a half years,
the Bush Administration:
Repealed
ergonomics standards that were about to go into effect to protect Americas
workers from repetitive motion injuries;
Stripped
60,000 airport screeners of the right to have a union;
Canceled
federal project labor agreements;
Announced
the privatization of half of the federal workforce;
Invoked
the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act to side with management in a dispute with West Coast
longshore workers;
Busted
the union for workers in the new Homeland Security Department, claiming that
unions would be a threat to national security;
Now, the Administration
is actively working to undo labors biggest historic victory the
40-hour work week.
Given that record,
Chavez-Thompson said, the labor movement has to look at getting Bush out of
the White House as priority number one. The 2004 election is the one that
will make us or break us, she declared.
Labor 2004: Politics Start
in the Workplace
Oregon will be
one of about a dozen battleground states, states whose electoral
votes could go either way in the 2004 presidential race. In 2000, Democrat Al
Gore won in Oregon by less than half a percent.
Thus, mobilizing
the union movement will be critical to determining who gets Oregons seven
electoral votes, said Patrick Green, Oregon AFL-CIO political campaign director.
Green gave convention delegates the first glimpse of a road map to victory
in 2004 that the state federation had been developing for months.
When union
members know Bushs record, they oppose him, Green said. Green cited
polls that show just that that the more union members know about Bushs
record, the less likely they are to support him. It follows then that the task
of the labor movement is to educate members about the record ... and then get
them to vote. The Oregon AFL-CIOs goal will be to match 2000s record
union turnout when union households cast 23.5 percent of the votes cast
in Oregon despite making up just 20.5 percent of electorate.
To do that, the
state federation will try to further improve the grass-roots strategy it developed
in its Labor 2000 and Labor 2002 campaigns including
door-to-door canvassing, workplace contact, telephoning, and direct mail; and
voter registration and get-out-the-vote efforts aimed at union households. The
hope is to recruit a Labor 2004 contact at every union local and every union
worksite.
To fund the Labor
2004 campaign, delegates passed a one-time special assessment of $2 per union
member, which is expected to raise nearly $300,000 by Sept. 30, 2004. Similar
assessments funded the Labor 2000 and Labor 2002 campaigns.
Republicans are
taking the union political threat seriously, Green said, and will be adopting
their own grass-roots strategy for the first time, focused on beating unions
on the ground.
Political Support
Must Go Both Ways
More than ever,
several speakers said, unions will need friends in political office, not just
to defend workers interests in the political arena, but to help new workers
win union representation.
Nesbitt said
the AFL-CIO has begun asking candidates who seek labors endorsement to
sign a pledge to support workers right to organize and challenge employers
who interfere with that right. If they want us to stand up for them in
their elections, they can stand with us in our elections.
Using our
strength in numbers in electoral politics can help us rebuild our strength in
numbers in our workplaces, which, in turn, enhances our strength in elections.
Elected officials
were plentiful at the convention, with a welcoming speech from the mayor of
Albany, pep talks from U.S. Senator Ron Wyden and U.S. Representative Earl Blumenauer,
visits from a half dozen state legislators, and a keynote address from Congressman
Peter DeFazio at an opening night fundraising dinner.
Unhappy With the Governor
Governor Ted
Kulongoski was also invited to address the convention; in his stead he sent
his labor liaison, Margaret Hallock, who reported on his accomplishments in
the first biennium. Those included: switching production of Oregon license plates
to a union shop in Oregon; a first contract for 14,000 home care workers; and
an order that state agency managers will remain neutral in union organizing
campaigns. When Hallock was through, AFSCME Executive Director Ken Allen walked
up to a floor microphone to respond.
We worked
very hard to elect the governor, and the governor made many commitments to us
during the campaign, Allen said. Were not happy with what
the governors performance has been. Allen said public workers felt
a sense of betrayal when the governor led the charge to cut public employee
pension benefits and freeze wages even step increases, which had never
been done before in Oregon. Hes going to have to step up to the
plate for state workers and public employees before he comes back to us in the
next election cycle.
Allens
reaction, which drew a standing ovation from public worker delegates, was then
echoed by SEIU Local 503 Vice President Linda DeLucia: We are deeply,
deeply disappointed in Ted Kulongoski, DeLucia said. He has fixed
the state government on our backs. Thanks from the governor is not
good enough.
AFL-CIO Sets Policy
The convention
was a chance to give formal endorsement to proposals worked out by the Oregon
AFL-CIOs various policy committees. Altogether, 21 resolutions were passed,
most by unanimous or near-unanimous vote.
Those included:
A plan to begin tallying
the labor records of Oregon hospitals, seen as the first step on the way to
increased use of the financial clout of labor-led health trusts;
Support for an end
to criminal penalties for clerks who unintentionally sell alcohol to minors;
Opposition to the
Free Trade Area of the Americas, a NAFTA-like trade treaty covering Western
Hemisphere;
Support for a state
law requiring all employers with more than 50 employees to provide health insurance;
and
Support for the Oregon
Legislatures budget-balancing revenue package, which Nesbitt called the
only solution we have at hand to keep our school doors open and our jail doors
closed for the next two years. The tax package is now the target of a
referendum for repeal by anti-government activists who are collecting signatures
to place it on the November ballot.
On one proposal,
however, opposition was expected, and it came. Tax reform in Oregon has long
been a priority of the Oregon AFL-CIO. Nesbitt hoped to unify labor around a
set of principles so that the Oregon AFL-CIO could take be at the table in discussions
about solving the states ongoing revenue crises with a fairer system of
taxation.
Some of the proposed
principles got wide support:
Opposing shifting
the tax burden to working families;
Opposing further reductions
in revenues needed to support schools, human services or public safety;
Making corporations
pay at least the same income tax rate that individuals now pay;
Limiting corporate
income tax breaks; and
Establishing a statewide
property tax on commercial and industrial property.
But a proposal
to consider a sales tax as part of a tax reform package prompted lengthy debate.
Nesbitt made it clear that the Oregon AFL-CIO would not support a sales tax
as a stand-alone measure, but wanted to know if it would be acceptable as part
of a package that shifted taxes away from working people in other areas, so
that it had no adverse effect.
Opponents, including
delegates from UFCW and the Machinists unions, argued that a sales tax is by
definition regressive, could go up in future years, and would tarnish labor
by associating it with an unpopular cause. The tax policy proposal passed on
a roll-call vote of 58,755 to 51,770.
It was
a good debate, Nesbitt said. Its probably a good indicator
of how hard it is to overcome the negatives associated with a sales tax. It
allows us to say to those that are glib about a sales tax how much they would
have to give up in income and property tax relief to get even a slim majority
of organized labors support.
Organizing: Slowed to
a Standstill
Union organizer
Jeannie Carpenter of Communication Workers of America Local 7901 gave delegates
a sobering report on the progress of the ambitious organizing goals announced
by the Oregon AFL-CIO two years prior.
Notwithstanding
calls for unions to devote greater resources to new organizing, the pace of
organizing actually slowed in the last year, with Oregon unions organizing less
than 1,800 workers from June 2002 to May 2003. Given workforce growth and layoffs
by unionized employers, newly organized workers didnt begin to reverse
the decline in union density. From 2001 to 2002, Oregons total union membership
declined from 229,000 to 227,000 from 15.6 to 15.5 percent of the workforce.
Carpenter said
a budget shortfall last year prevented the Oregon AFL-CIO from following through
on its plan to hire a full-time organizing coordinator. And unions maintained,
but did not increase, the level of support for organizing in future years.
Carpenter urged
unions to use organizing resources strategically, by organizing the labor movements
natural constituencies: low-wage workers, public-sector workers and workers
in sectors where union density is already high health care, construction,
utilities, transportation, manufacturing, and grocery. Increasing density in
already organized sectors, Carpenter said, not only adds members but strengthens
the bargaining position of existing members.
The right to
organize. Nesbitt: If we can regain the right to organize freely, we can
restore our strength at the bargaining table and reclaim our rightful share
of the wealth we produce with our labor.
Threats to Labor Outlined
A sizable part
of the proceedings was education; a chance to educate over 300 leaders of the
Oregon labor movement about multiple and related threats to the labor movement.
And so Bob Baugh,
a three-term former secretary-treasurer of the Oregon AFL-CIO, now with the
revitalized Industrial Union Council of the national AFL-CIO, spoke about the
astonishingly rapid decline of American manufacturing.
Portland State
University professor Barbara Dudley, former assistant director of the AFL-CIO
Department of Public Policy, described the threat posed to American workers
by the proliferation of NAFTA-like trade agreements.
UFCW business
rep Jeff Anderson exposed Wal-Mart as the ultimate anti-union mega-corporation
and Americas biggest importer of Chinese-manufactured goods.
National AFL-CIO
organizing director Stewart Acuff outlined the erosion of workers basic
union rights, and suggested that America will need a new movement along the
lines of the civil rights movement to win back the right to organize.
And AFL-CIO Executive
Vice President Chavez-Thompson brought some delegates to tears with a story
about the personal costs of living life in the service of fellow union members.
Labor must organize
in the public sector and service sector, Baugh said, but it cant ignore
manufacturing. Not only must it continue to organize manufacturing, but it must
demand a national industrial policy and find some way to protect American industries.
U.S. manufacturing
peaked in 1979 at 21 million jobs. There was some manufacturing growth in the
1990s but it ended with the decade. Last month was the 37th month in a row of
manufacturing job loss longer than any time since the Great Depression
of the 1930s.
An economy that
loses its roots in manufacturing is destined for historys scrap heap,
Baugh said. A great nation will not survive unless in can make and do
things.
In part, thats
because all other sectors of the economy depend on manufacturing. Because of
technological and other improvements, productivity growth has always been high
in manufacturing, much higher than in the service sectors. [In the 1990s, manufacturing
experienced average productivity growth of 3.51 percent a year, compared to
0.71 percent a year in the non-manufacturing sector.] Productivity growth means
that each year, the same number of workers can produce more goods. Thats
one of the key bases for increasing prosperity, and its what allows unions
to negotiate higher wages over a long period of time.
To stop the bleeding
of American manufacturing, Baugh proposed a no-nonsense agenda: Freeze new trade
deals until the trade deficit is eliminated; stop encouraging outsourcing; institute
national health insurance; buy American those things that are necessary for
national security; and win back workers rights to organize.
In the new world
economy, American factory workers arent the only ones losing out, said
Barbara Dudley: Now even Mexican workers are losing jobs to China.
The race
to the bottom is almost over, Dudley told delegates. It has hit
the poorest countries.
But, echoing
Baughs maxim analysis cures paralysis, Dudley cautioned against
hopelessness: We are not stuck with these trade agreements. Congress has
the power to change these trade agreements.
Dudley called
on Oregon unionists to support shutting down a November 20-21 meeting in Miami
when trade ministers with gather to discuss a NAFTA for the Western Hemisphere.
The struggle
starts at home, Nesbitt said. I believe this is a moment in our history
when even a small state like ours, led by a strong labor movement, can help
take back our country from the greatest threat to our unions and the well-being
of our workers since the dark days of the Great Depression before the Administration
of FDR, Nesbitt said. It is becoming more and more clear that, in
our working lifetimes, there will be no middle ground. Either our labor movement
will get stronger and thrive, or we will weaken and fade away.